In the s and s, the initial success of Solidarity in particular, and of dissident movements in general, was fed by a deepening crisis within Soviet-influenced societies.
Solidarity was not only a trade union, but above all, an opposition movement against communist totalitarianism. The bipolar world had a great impact on the whole system of international relations as well as on the domestic life of the people, who lived in the socialist countries.
Now we have an opportunity to compare different approaches to those times. The main aim of this paper is to provide some generalizations about the Soviet official and unofficial points of view, as well as the current Ukrainian perspectives, on the events of the s in Poland.
Historical Background According to the official Soviet picture of the world sincethe main result of World War II was not just the victory over fascism, but the formation of a new system of international relations between socialist countries.
It was further proclaimed that the system was one based on the principles of democracy, freedom, and partnership.
Consequently, relations among socialist countries aimed at strengthening the peace of the whole world and deepening the economic, cultural, and political assistance and cooperation with each other. From tothe history of Soviet foreign policy within the communist camp was portrayed as a partnership with brother-nations.
The following stages of the development of the relations within the socialist camp since can be marked out as such: The recovery of the economy and the formation of the infrastructure after the war closely tied socialist countries of Eastern Europe to the USSR. As a result, the Soviet planned economy became the basis not only for domestic development within the USSR, but for the mutual cooperation with the brother-nations as well.
A number of international organizations were established and different agreements were signed in this sphere. The attitudes towards the events in Berlin inBudapest inPrague inand Poland in the s were great examples of such an approach.
According to Soviet statistics from the s, the country-members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance Comecon had achieved many positive results in their economic development.
This argument was widely spread throughout the socialist camp as an illustration of the progressive character of the socialist way of life.
The Official Soviet Approach Given the historic background, the Polish crisis at the end of the s and beginning of the s seemed to be an extraordinary situation. In the summer ofmany strikes had taken place in Polish industrial enterprises. In some places, they even transformed into incidents of civil disorder and disturbance.
The authorities had to use force to stop it all. The trade union Solidarity, according to communist officials, was formed by anti-socialist circles, whose aim it was to deepen the crisis in Poland and to undermine the basis of socialism in the country. This anti-socialist activity, they further avowed, was fully supported by the Catholic Church.
On July 22,with National Revival Day, martial law was completely abolished. Thus, an additional impetus was given to the process of normalization in the further development of the institutions of socialist democracy.
The Soviet Interpretation of the Polish Events and their Impact on the Soviet Union According to the official Soviet point of view, the difficulties in Poland were caused by two main groups of reasons: Most of the documents connected with the Polish events have now been declassified and opened for researchers, but a number of questions have been raised about their validity.
This paper will not attempt to prove whether the documents we have are either true or false. Rather, we can only try to pay attention to the most important moments in order to follow the path of how events developed during the crisis.
As the crisis in Poland deepened inSoviet attention to that part of the socialist camp became more active. On August 25,a special commission was formed at the meeting of the Politburo to investigate the situation in Poland. This commission was authorized to monitor events in Poland, keep Politburo members informed, and take possible action from the Soviet side.
The commission advised the following: For the mass media, it recommended: An invasion was thus postponed indefinitely to allow the Polish leadership time to suppress the opposition on its own. Possible Soviet intervention and a proclamation of martial law were discussed at several meetings of the Politburo.
After the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan and international reaction to it, everybody who took part in this meeting agreed that the situation in Poland must be treated as an internal Polish affair.Bibliography of Social Science History. Joseph Hayim Abraham Uncle of Isaac Hai (Jack) Jacob, After being taken down twice by Blogger within a single week, we got the message: It’s Time To Go.
Gates of Vienna has moved to a new address. Dec 25, · Rather, over a fifteen-month period of intense effort and internal debate, various sectors of the Polish populace successively became earnest participants in an Athenian polis, virtuous Renaissance citizens, good commonwealth advocates, zealous republican innovators, aspiring artisans egalitarians, and, in the end, pioneers bent on scouting out the beckoning frontiers of a self-managing .
Beyer, Gerald J. “A Theoretical Appreciation of the Ethic of Solidarity in Poland Twenty-Five Years after.” The Journal of Religious Ethics 35, no. 2 (): The section in this scholarly journal shows how Popiełuszko was a good representation of the values of Solidarity and the way they were trying to accomplish what they wanted.
JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary sources. David Ost, a gifted observer of Polish politics and an acute critic of the parties that emerged from the success of Solidarity as a union and a mass movement, was one of the first to observe this in his book based on research conducted in the s, The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe ().